Republicans occasionally pay lip-service to America as a diverse nation, but most of them don't mean it and many of them don't even get it. The latest example is Virginia Senator (and former Governor) George Allen.
Allen was speaking to crowd in rural Virginia when he spotted one of his opponent's adies. The aide, S.R. Sidarth was born in Virginia but, by Republican standards, that doesn't make him an American. He has relatively dark skin because his ancestors are from India. Everyone else in the crowd was white. Sen Allen pointed to Sidarth and told the crowd to "give a welcome to Macaca, here. Welcome to America and the real world of Virginia."
Macaca (that's kind of a phonetic spelling of Allen's word) is either an Asian primate or a racial slur, depending on context. Allen says he doesn't know what the word means and that we shouldn't suggest that he had any racist intent because: "That's not who I am." Unfortunately, that is who he is.
Allen decorated his office with a noose hanging from a tree, his home with a Confederate flag, he opposed the Civil Rights Act and, as Governor, proclaimed Confederate Heritage Month as a celebration of "a four-year struggle for independence and sovereign rights," without mentioning slavery. There's more, but that's enough.
The point is that Allen's insult wasn't an isolated incident; it's part of his long history of racism. The bigger point is that Allen himself is part the Republican Party's decades-long history of using racism to win elections. (A tradition they cleverly took over from southern Democrats).
To the Republican Party race -- like God, patriotism and family -- is a tool to use in getting power.
The modern age of Republican racism began with Richard Nixon's "Southern Strategy" of appealing to old Confederates who wanted to return to slavery, or at least segregation. Ronald Reagan picked up the plan and used it very effectively, beginning the day he kicked off his campaign for president. Out of all the towns in all of America, Reagan chose to launch his campaign in Philadelphia, Mississippi.
The only reason anybody's ever heard of the place is because, back in the 1960s, racists there murdered three civil rights workers. That made it something of a shrine city for white supremacists. The symbolism of starting a campaign there was clear enough, but Reagan didn't take any chances. He used his speech to make it absolutely clear.
Reagan spoke from a fairground where the KKK used to rally and he praised "states' rights," the universal code word for supporting segregation and racist policies. It was the beginning of his campaign, and the beginning of his effort to, as Roslyn Carter put it: make "people comfortable with their prejudices."
If you can set aside religion, morality, the constitution and conscience, it was a pretty savvy political move. It helped Reagan and other Republicans win the votes of racists in the south and elsewhere around the country.
The strategy also worked for, Jesse Helms (white hands holding a job rejection letter), Georgia Gov. Sonny Perdue (put the confederate symbol back on the state flag), George Bush, Sr. (Willie Horton) and a lot (Lott) of other Republicans. Of course it cost them the votes of many African-Americans, Latinos and others. But the Republicans correctly calculated that they could win power without those votes.
When George Bush, Jr. came along, things changed. His chief political strategist, Karl Rove, had a theory. Rove had learned that it's possible for politicians to tell blatant lies and, if the lies are popular enough, get people to believe them. If you can do that, why should being racist cost a candidate votes from various minority groups? Oppose racism to appeal to decent people and support racism to appeal to racists.
With that new strategy, Bush launched an unusual campaign. You couldn't find a picture in the paper that didn't show Bush with a black or Latino voter but, to reassure racists that he wasn't selling out their cause, he did things like visit segregated Bob Jones University. Since becoming president, Bush has made verbal and visual overtures to minorities, but his policies have consistently locked them out of opportunity, education and even voting.
In another context, the Bush Administration has explained this kind of thing as "creating other new realities." But, just as in that other context, the "reality-based" world refused to yield and the policy hasn't worked.
That leaves Republicans with a tough choice. Every year there are fewer racists and more decent people in America. If they can't invent a new reality and appeal to both, what should Republicans do?
One possibility is a return to the real world: the one where racial issues are real; where God, patriotism and family are more than just tools to win elections. If they can stop setting aside religion, morality, the constitution and conscience, the right choice will become obvious.
Allen was speaking to crowd in rural Virginia when he spotted one of his opponent's adies. The aide, S.R. Sidarth was born in Virginia but, by Republican standards, that doesn't make him an American. He has relatively dark skin because his ancestors are from India. Everyone else in the crowd was white. Sen Allen pointed to Sidarth and told the crowd to "give a welcome to Macaca, here. Welcome to America and the real world of Virginia."
Macaca (that's kind of a phonetic spelling of Allen's word) is either an Asian primate or a racial slur, depending on context. Allen says he doesn't know what the word means and that we shouldn't suggest that he had any racist intent because: "That's not who I am." Unfortunately, that is who he is.
Allen decorated his office with a noose hanging from a tree, his home with a Confederate flag, he opposed the Civil Rights Act and, as Governor, proclaimed Confederate Heritage Month as a celebration of "a four-year struggle for independence and sovereign rights," without mentioning slavery. There's more, but that's enough.
The point is that Allen's insult wasn't an isolated incident; it's part of his long history of racism. The bigger point is that Allen himself is part the Republican Party's decades-long history of using racism to win elections. (A tradition they cleverly took over from southern Democrats).
To the Republican Party race -- like God, patriotism and family -- is a tool to use in getting power.
The modern age of Republican racism began with Richard Nixon's "Southern Strategy" of appealing to old Confederates who wanted to return to slavery, or at least segregation. Ronald Reagan picked up the plan and used it very effectively, beginning the day he kicked off his campaign for president. Out of all the towns in all of America, Reagan chose to launch his campaign in Philadelphia, Mississippi.
The only reason anybody's ever heard of the place is because, back in the 1960s, racists there murdered three civil rights workers. That made it something of a shrine city for white supremacists. The symbolism of starting a campaign there was clear enough, but Reagan didn't take any chances. He used his speech to make it absolutely clear.
Reagan spoke from a fairground where the KKK used to rally and he praised "states' rights," the universal code word for supporting segregation and racist policies. It was the beginning of his campaign, and the beginning of his effort to, as Roslyn Carter put it: make "people comfortable with their prejudices."
If you can set aside religion, morality, the constitution and conscience, it was a pretty savvy political move. It helped Reagan and other Republicans win the votes of racists in the south and elsewhere around the country.
The strategy also worked for, Jesse Helms (white hands holding a job rejection letter), Georgia Gov. Sonny Perdue (put the confederate symbol back on the state flag), George Bush, Sr. (Willie Horton) and a lot (Lott) of other Republicans. Of course it cost them the votes of many African-Americans, Latinos and others. But the Republicans correctly calculated that they could win power without those votes.
When George Bush, Jr. came along, things changed. His chief political strategist, Karl Rove, had a theory. Rove had learned that it's possible for politicians to tell blatant lies and, if the lies are popular enough, get people to believe them. If you can do that, why should being racist cost a candidate votes from various minority groups? Oppose racism to appeal to decent people and support racism to appeal to racists.
With that new strategy, Bush launched an unusual campaign. You couldn't find a picture in the paper that didn't show Bush with a black or Latino voter but, to reassure racists that he wasn't selling out their cause, he did things like visit segregated Bob Jones University. Since becoming president, Bush has made verbal and visual overtures to minorities, but his policies have consistently locked them out of opportunity, education and even voting.
In another context, the Bush Administration has explained this kind of thing as "creating other new realities." But, just as in that other context, the "reality-based" world refused to yield and the policy hasn't worked.
That leaves Republicans with a tough choice. Every year there are fewer racists and more decent people in America. If they can't invent a new reality and appeal to both, what should Republicans do?
One possibility is a return to the real world: the one where racial issues are real; where God, patriotism and family are more than just tools to win elections. If they can stop setting aside religion, morality, the constitution and conscience, the right choice will become obvious.
